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understanding of repression
and political persecution
in Russia

about the project

In recent years, the scale and methods of repression have been expanding. According to OVD-Info, as of January 23, 2025, 1,155 individuals have been prosecuted under criminal charges for anti-war activities, while more than 10,000 have faced administrative charges.

do human rights organizations and independent media manage to reach a wider audience with the issue of political repression, or does their message only resonate with those who already share the same values and beliefs?

How do different groups of people perceive repression and political persecution? How do they determine whether a particular case can be considered repression?
 

This study examines how people with different levels of awareness of political repression perceive and understand it.

Based on our observations and findings, we also offer recommendations to human rights defenders and independent media on communication strategies to make materials more accessible and effectively engage diverse audiences.

The study was commissioned by the human rights project OVD-Info.

keywords: political repression, political persecution,

justification logics.

key observations on how repression

is defined

1) The Logic of Defining Political Persecution/Repression Is Rooted in One’s Level of Engagement with the Topic.

For a particular case to be perceived as political persecution, it must exhibit certain identifiable markers of repression, including:

  • A punishment that is disproportionately severe in relation to the act committed,

  • The innocence of the accused and the political nature of their actions,

  • The baselessness of the charges,

  • The motivation and stance of the persecuted individual,

  • The state as the aggrieved party.

2) In Some Cases, There Is No Consensus Within the Human Rights Community and Public Discourse on Defining a Particular Persecution as Politically Motivated.
For example, difficulties arise in cases involving the prosecution of political opponents and those who have committed acts of violence.
 

3) The Tools of Political Persecution, as Well as the Nature and Scale of Charges, Are Dynamic.
A noticeable shift has been observed following both Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the announcement of «partial mobilisation». Well-informed citizens are more sensitive to the nature and consequences of these changes than less-informed individuals. For more details on how we define well-informed citizens, see the «Methodology» section.

perception of repression

After speaking with people who have varying degrees of familiarity with information on repression, we have constructed a conditional pathway from a person less engaged with state confrontations to one more deeply immersed in the topic.

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The stages of this process can be described as follows:
 

  1. Some respondents categorically avoid evaluating court verdicts, as they see an insurmountable barrier between their own experience and matters of justice and the judiciary in general. Another factor preventing engagement is the perception that the cases being discussed are rare, isolated incidents — just unnecessary media noise. At this stage, the topic remains entirely outside their sphere of interest.
     

  2. A person at this stage is willing to evaluate a case but does not question the legitimacy of the state’s actions or court decisions. Legalism takes precedence over alternative interpretations or empathy: the court has ruled on the act, and this ruling should be followed.

    The punished individual’s actions are perceived as a deliberate violation of the «rules of the game» set by the state. The right to protest is not recognized — it appears senseless, dangerous, and offensive. This perspective reflects a stance of «limited citizenship». It is important to note that agreement with court rulings at this stage reflects trust in state authority rather than a personal desire for harsh punishment of «offenders».
     

  3. At the next stage, protest is still seen as reckless and ill-conceived. However, respondents begin to sympathize with those prosecuted. Interest arises in the motivation behind their actions. Even less-informed respondents, while generally trusting the judiciary, begin to suspect that the verdict was issued without thorough and fair consideration of the act.
     

  4. The next step toward a clearer recognition of repression comes when an understanding of specific motives and beliefs leads to respect for the individual and a sense of solidarity with them. If someone faces repression for their unwavering civic stance, they become visible both to the state and civil society. Their actions, which led to punishment, are perceived as inconvenient for the state and motivated by concern for others. For example, a doctor may lose their job for refusing to follow harmful treatment protocols, or those who attempted to destroy military draft records might be seen as trying to protect hundreds of families from conscription.
     

  5. Both well-informed respondents and experts tend to view such cases as absurd. Even less-informed respondents frequently reach the same conclusion — either by comparing the principle of free speech with penalties for expressing opinions or by questioning the severity of prison sentences.
     

  6. However, those who recognize repression — especially if they are not actively involved in efforts to change the situation, such as human rights work, analysis, or journalism — may become disillusioned and emotionally detached from news about repression. The sheer volume of similar cases, combined with a sense of powerlessness, leads to «emotional numbing».

human rights protection

Some features of narratives on repression in the human rights community

  1. Defining politically motivated persecution is a collective effort by human rights organizations and activists. The criteria that guide human rights organizations in deciding which cases to take on are generally not formally documented; instead, they take the form of tacit knowledge. Decisions on controversial cases are made collectively, prompting internal reflection and adjustments.
     

  2. The human rights community is characterized by specialization and a division of expertise and focus areas. Assistance and support are typically tailored to specific groups of persecuted individuals — for example, those detained at street protests or prosecuted for crimes against the state. In such cases, "services" refer to solutions that address the most urgent needs of these groups.
     

  3. Public visibility and the need for media presence influence how human rights organizations operate. Their audience includes not only those they already assist or might assist in the future but also the broader public and potential donors. This influences case selection, project priorities, and strategic decision-making.
     

  4. Human rights defenders face growing challenges, including the escalation of politically motivated violence, the increasing complexity of the repressive apparatus, the unpredictability of the legal framework, and political persecution targeting human rights activists themselves.
     

  5. Maintaining public trust in human rights defenders has become increasingly difficult. Fearing political persecution, many human rights organizations have been forced to leave Russia and continue their work from abroad. As a result, growing differences in perceptions of reality have made it harder for human rights defenders and their audiences in Russia to stay connected. This physical separation weakens solidarity and mutual aid networks that could otherwise help resist repression.

recommendations on public communications

Audiences

  • A less-informed audience consists of those who may potentially face persecution and/or participate in practices of assistance and solidarity.

    Due to the increasing scale and unpredictability of persecution, politically uninvolved citizens are also at risk of being targeted. They may find it difficult to provide assistance because they do not know how to interact with law enforcement, trust the legal system and its representatives, and distrust human rights defenders. Therefore, communication with them needs to be established in advance.

    This audience does not read independent media but follows regional and local news, so the tone of voice should match these sources. The relevance of information about repression should be justified by how it directly affects them and the communities they feel connected to. Awareness efforts should be accompanied by specific recommendations and instructions on how to protect themselves and their loved ones.
     

  • An audience that does not consume news or does not consume it online. Access to this audience is only possible indirectly — through an already existing audience or through sources of information such as local newspapers, radio, and television. The main rhetorical approach in communicating with them should be informing rather than persuading, avoiding political markers and unfamiliar terminology, integrating the message into other topics of everyday interest, such as culture, city news, and food prices (i. e., it is useful to appropriate the language of state media. An example of this strategy is the newspaper Women’s Perspective, formerly Women’s Truth).
     

  • A well-informed audience consists of those who are already aware of political persecution and/or choose to avoid encountering it in the content they consume.

    For this audience, it is appropriate to differentiate between analytical information and more personal, emotional stories about those facing persecution. As a result, those who avoid information about political persecution due to emotional burnout from negative news will not miss practically significant information necessary to stay informed and act safely. They will be able to regulate their level of emotional engagement with the topic.

    This audience also needs suggestions for ways to take action in daily life — how to help victims, resist repression, and ensure their own safety.
     

  • Experts we spoke to pointed out the importance of engaging with an audience outside Russia — both Russian emigrants and an international audience. This is a potential resource for financial aid and other support that can be mobilized when needed.

What to Present as Repression 

When presenting repression, it is useful to rely on argumentative frameworks, distinguishing and providing information on each of their key elements — punishment, the act and activities of the persecuted individual, the justification of the charges, and the role of the state.
 

It is important to describe the various grounds for repression, expanding the notion of the political beyond the suppression of dissent. This includes, for example, the crackdown on civic activism, barriers to community-building, control over public narratives, and the use of politics for business interests, among others.
 

The key attributes and possible interpretations of political repression, as well as the contexts in which repression may occur — including in the everyday life of individuals not engaged in politics or activism — should be presented openly, concisely, and clearly.

How to present repression

 

  1. The key aspect of delivering information is to create a space for dialogue or independent reflection by the recipient. Many note that information about repression is often presented as a fact they can either agree or disagree with, but lacks opportunities to ask further questions or to «partially accept» the reality of repression by agreeing with only certain aspects of the presented case.
     

  2. It is important that, when engaging with the information, people understand that they are drawing their own conclusions and do not feel manipulated. Any detail unrelated to the case itself may be perceived as manipulative, artificially steering the audience toward empathy. For example, one respondent noted feeling pressured to sympathise with the case’s subjects simply because it was mentioned that they were musicians. It may be worth separately studying what different audiences perceive as manipulation in the presentation of information about repression.
     

  3. The ability to recognise a situation as repressive develops gradually and involves multiple aspects. Therefore, it is crucial either to target materials specifically or to provide the most comprehensive explanation of what happened — what motivated the persecuted individual, what guided the investigation, what the standard penalties for similar actions are outside the context of political persecution, and so on.
     

  4. Another approach is segmenting and targeting information about repression based on the type of reader or enabling filtering of repressive cases by certain characteristics — profession (a topic of interest to many), regional ties, family situation, age, etc. Using community networks to disseminate information about persecution (for example, «forward this to your colleagues and other doctors») is also effective. Respondents themselves often expressed a desire to know first and foremost about «their own», which helps foster a sense of connection and reinforces the reality of political persecution.
     

  5. For someone unfamiliar with the context, it may be difficult to believe in the innocence of victims of political repression, the unfairness of court rulings, and so on. Therefore, it is critically important to provide them with thoroughly verified information about cases to avoid reinforcing their distrust.
     

  6. Less-informed citizens do not always see the connection between a person’s life, moral choices, activities, and the punishment they have received. Additional context helps shape the perception of the case and highlights who is suffering and for what reason. The following components can be included:

    a. Life circumstances before the verdict, the reason for persecution, the «lived reality» of the persecuted individual, and their own understanding of justice.

    b. The possibility of personal identification with the story — the same teacher, the same mother, a story similar to what has happened in one’s own family in the past.

    c. The consequences of the verdict not only for the individual but also for those indirectly affected — increased risks, family losses, etc.

    d. The proportionality of the protest that led to the punishment — in the context of ordinary life, for some, a civil war is already underway, and their actions fit within this logic.

    e. The disproportionality of the sentence — the severity of the punishment does not align with standard national or international legal practices.
     

  7. It is important to highlight not only arrests and verdicts but also victories for justice — even partial ones, if a full legal victory was not achieved. This could include information about the restoration of justice after persecution, or even about «retribution». It is also important to showcase cases of «failed» repression, where persecution did not succeed in intimidating people or preventing them from taking action.
     

  8. Using language that does not provoke resistance from an uninvolved audience and/or explaining how certain contentious terms should be interpreted is essential. Particular attention should be given to the following terms:

    ● «Extremist organisation», «terrorism», «undesirable organisation» — these may create a sense of danger associated with the accused individuals and justify their punishment in the eyes of both less-informed and well-informed citizens.

    ● The term «repression» has strong associations with Stalinist-era purges, which may make it less suitable for explaining modern political persecution to less-informed audiences. It may be useful to demonstrate the continuity of mechanisms aimed at instilling fear and suppressing protest, as well as how contemporary victims of repression experience the same consequences as those persecuted under Stalin — the destruction of social ties, restrictions in employment, physical and mental health problems, and so on.

    ● «Punishment for protest» — a term that will be especially clear to those who value the right to protest.

    ● «Punishment for beliefs» — another phrasing that highlights the strength of character and courage of those persecuted.

    ● «Political persecution» — a softer term compared to «repression». Experts tend to prefer this term (for example, an activist who received threats and was forced to leave the country might describe their experience as «political persecution» but not «repression»), though a broader audience may associate it exclusively with formal political activities.

    ● «Violation of international conventions», «unlawful anti-extremism», etc. — terms that may resonate better with experts and human rights professionals.
     

  9. It is necessary to explain why both legislation and law enforcement practices can be considered repressive, questioning trust in the judiciary, judicial system, and investigators.
     

  10. It is also important to explain that certain legal provisions are commonly used as instruments of political repression (such as laws on «discrediting the army», «terrorism and extremism», «undesirable organisations», etc.), but they are not the only ones serving this purpose. Other charges, including those related to pedophilia, drug offences, and more, may also be weaponised. Law enforcement agencies may fabricate criminal and administrative cases for political persecution, meaning the overall scale of repression is broader than just cases prosecuted under explicitly political articles.
     

  11. It is crucial to clarify the various forms civic and political activism can take and why an act of violence can be considered an anti-war statement, or why belonging to a particular group can serve as grounds for political persecution.
     

  12. Encouraging civic awareness and independent judgments about political and social issues is key. These discussions should be democratised to reduce the fear of lacking expertise.
     

  13. Encourage civic education at the level of everyday life — spreading information among relatives and friends who do not follow the news or do not read independent media.
     

  14. Foster a sense of involvement and connection, showing how what happens «over there in Bakal» affects all of us.
     

  15. Talk about those engaged in civic activism: are there many of them, or just a few? Do they look like me, like him?
     

  16. Discuss different ethical perspectives through historical events, both Russian and international. On the one hand, this is already a widely used practice; on the other, it allows people to maintain a comfortable distance from the distressing current news about repression.
     

  17. Many sympathise with cases where «inconvenient» people face repression — an honest doctor dismissed from a clinic, a mayor removed from office for openly engaging with city residents. For some less-informed individuals, this is the closest equivalent to political repression, making such narratives a useful way to discuss the nature of repression.

methodology

The study follows a qualitative design and involved 30 in-depth interviews. The informants were conditionally divided into three categories:
 

  • Experts — human rights defenders and journalists, individuals who combat repression, conceptualise it, and influence public discourse.

  • Well-informed citizens — those whose activities are not directly related to the conceptualisation of repression but who operate within the political sphere and are likely to engage with political events and news.

  • Less-informed citizens — individuals who do not work with the topic of political repression and are unlikely to follow news about it.
     

Interviews with experts allowed us to examine the perceptions and actions of actors who influence the repressive landscape in Russia. Interviews with well-informed and less-informed citizens provided insight into their modes of thinking, subjective experiences of receiving information about repression, and engagement with civic activism.
 

The selection of experts and well-informed citizens was based on their affiliation with a human rights organisation or media project, their professional field, expertise in repression, or their perceptions of the issue. Recruitment was carried out using the researchers’ own contacts, assistance from human rights organisations, and the snowball sampling technique — a recruitment method in which respondents help researchers find additional participants. This technique is particularly effective for identifying informants within closed or small communities.
 

The questions focused on personal and organisational definitions and understandings of repression (including real-life examples), perceptions of their audiences, and strategies for addressing the issue of repression. Case studies were also discussed with well-informed citizens.
 

Five cases of persecution were used, selected in collaboration with the OVD-Info team based on the motive for persecution (religious/political identity, extremism, violent actions) and the degree of persecution (criminal prosecution, administrative penalties, extrajudicial persecution). The cases were formulated as brief news reports covering the following incidents:

  1. A fine for a social media post about mobilisation.

  2. The case of Yuri Dmitriev.

  3. The arson of a military recruitment office.

  4. The prosecution of Jehovah’s Witnesses members.

  5. The dismissal of a police officer due to social media activity.
     

The selection of less-informed citizens was also conducted through personal contacts and the snowball method, but the key selection criteria were media consumption habits (lack of exposure to news/analytical content or preference for more conservative sources) and geographic distance from metropolitan regions. The questions focused on biographical background and activist engagement, awareness and perceptions of repression, and reactions to information about repression through the assessment of case studies.

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